Whether or not he knows it, Edwards may well have decided the Democrats’ nominee when he dropped out of the race.

This year’s Democratic race for the presidential nomination is like none other in history. The makeup of the top three candidates included the wife of one of the most beloved presidents in recent memory, the first viable black candidate and possible leader of a new progressive movement and a white guy. Unlike in past races however, the power of the white guy is not in his viability as a candidate, but instead in choosing either Clinton or Obama as the party’s nominee.

The poll results from New Hampshire gave the first indication of what might lay ahead in the Clinton-Obama struggle for the White House. Clinton had typed out two concession speeches for New Hampshire’s election night after the polls predicted a possible double-digit loss to rival Obama. Clinton’s campaign was in trouble. In trouble, that is, until the results came in. As most know, Clinton won by roughly 3 percent and the barrage of pundit speculation ensued.

The makeup of the New Hampshire voting body told the story. The vast majority of voters in New Hampshire are white, with a surprising number of late deciding independent voters that make New Hampshire an extremely difficult place to do polling.

On the surface the voters of Iowa and New Hampshire do not seem to differ all that much, except for one major factor: Iowa held caucuses and New Hampshire held a primary election.

Obama won as big as he did in Iowa because of his message of hope and change that seemed to resonate with the people. In Iowa caucuses, voters looked at each other face to face and everybody’s vote was out in the open. If a voter had spoken highly to his friends about Obama and his ideals, then he would be hard-pressed to change his vote in the face of such public pressure.

This pressure allowed Iowans to apply pressure and, thus, some took an ideological risk for Obama instead of a more comfortable Clinton vote.

In New Hampshire, the elections and the vote were private.

The large constituency of middle-aged Democrats went to the polls, sat down and reconsidered. This time they had no need to tell anyone what their votes were going to be. Voters could make the safe choice without their friends knowing that they voted against someone as exciting to the Democratic Party as the young senator from Illinois.

Edwards, on the other hand, has been to the left of the other two major candidates from the beginning – and when the white guy is more radical then the black guy the chances of the latter drastically improve.

Edwards’ role in this election was essential. White voters in South Carolina had a relatively even split between the three candidates showcasing the vital role of Edwards as one way to shave off some of the white voters from Clinton, a service that Obama badly needed.

During this past summer, the Democratic establishment attempted to support Clinton because they deemed her the “inevitable” nominee. Since the summer, though, many Democrats have reassessed their position on the presidential race.

John F. Kennedy’s daughter, Caroline Kennedy and Senator Edward M. Kennedy hold a lot of weight with the Democratic Party, but their endorsements of Obama may have come too late. Clinton has been established. The Clinton name has been around for so long that even with Obama’s undeniable charisma, the American electorate wants someone safe after the Bush years.

Now that Edwards is no longer in the race, whites who were upset about the economy and are skeptical of Obama’s viability now only have one place to go: the Clinton camp.

Racism has played a role in this race and that fact can not be overlooked. Billary’s campaign has realized this and gone so far as to compare Obama’s campaign to that of Jesse Jackson’s – one of the more obvious attempts by the Clintons to grasp the insecurities of a white electorate hesitant to cast their vote for an African-American.

Obama is a different kind of candidate however, because he represents a shift in the thinking of Americans beyond what is normally expected for an election cycle. He is the face of a progressive movement, of change and of togetherness. Those qualities in a candidate may be what one wing of the Democratic Party is looking for, but at the same time that kind of fundamental change is apt to scare its own large group.

Edwards leaving the race provides Clinton with the votes of many whites who may not particularly care for the Clinton camp but are scared of the kind of ideological change on which Obama has based his campaign. Edwards’ biggest impact on the race for the Democratic ticket might prove to be leaving at such an important crossroads.

This election may just be decided on Feb. 5 after all.

Michael Phillis is a Collegian columnist. He can be reached at [email protected].